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| Śledztwo w sprawie zbrodni wojennych w Strefie Gazy |
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| To "pierwsze w historii ludobójstwo transmitowane na żywo... Jeśli ludzie są nieświadomi, to są świadomie nieświadomi" |
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| LIST OTWARTY-PETYCJA w interesie publicznym do Marszałków i Radnych wszystkich województw |
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Drogi Czytelniku!
Jeśli chcesz wzmocnić oddziaływanie poniższego pisma-petycji, to możesz wysłać takie samo albo podobne pismo-petycję od siebie lub większej liczby osób lub od organizacji. |
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| Planet Lockdown |
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| Planet Lockdown to film dokumentalny o sytuacji, w jakiej znalazł się świat. Twórcy filmu rozmawiali z niektórymi z najzdolniejszych i najodważniejszych umysłów na świecie, w tym z epidemiologami, naukowcami, lekarzami, prawnikami, aktywistami, mężem stanu... |
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| TO POWINIEN KAŻDY OBEJRZEĆ! |
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| David Martin - Wystąpienie w Parlamencie Europejskim na III Międzynarodowym Szczycie Covid |
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| whatreallyhappened.com |
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Warto dodać ten link do Pana strony: http://whatreallyhappened.com/
99% tez dotyczących religii, polityki i ekonomii i filozofii się pokrywa z tezami zaprasza.net. Topowa strona. |
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| Finansowany przez Google zespół „sprawdzający fakty” wydaje się być garstką fikcyjnych Hindusów w zubożałym miasteczku niedaleko Bangladeszu |
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| Ekspert od COVID-u, okazał się być awatarem stworzonym przez Chińczyków |
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| Izrael. Historia Palestyny w XX wieku. |
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| Niemcy 1940 - Izrael 2009 - Szokujące zdjęcia |
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| Dr Michael Yeadon: masowe morderstwa z paszportami szczepionek i szczepionkami uzupełniającymi |
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| Ten system jest wprowadzany za pomocą kłamstw w jakimś celu, i myślę, że celem jest całkowita totalitarna kontrola. |
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| Kiedy Zełenski zagrał hymn narodowy przyrodzeniem |
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| Ponad 5 lat po kowidzie wojna wobec uczciwych lekarzy trwa dalej |
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| Zbrodniarze kowidowi niszczą lekarzy |
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| Wezwanie do przebudzenia |
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| Film opisujący mechanizmy ekonomicznej władzy nad światem |
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| Cicha Broń do Cichych Wojen |
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| Sędziowie nie wierzą w kowida i nie dają się zastraszyć. Ale, czy innych karzą za brak maski? |
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| Impreza w SĄDZIE REJONOWYM. W sali rozpraw zrobili bankiet. Przyjechała policja |
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| Grzegorz Braun odpowiada na Państwa pytania |
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Monika Jaruzelska zaprasza
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| Konzentrationslager Fuehrer |
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| Niemcy - obóz koncentracyjny dla niewierzących w wirusa |
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| NIEMIECKI LEKARZ OPOWIADA CIEKAWOSTKI (DNI ŚFIRUSA 4) |
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| Los Angeles - piekło na ziemi |
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Ubóstwo w Kalifornii. Zrujnowana gospodarka najbogatszej kiedyś części świata.
To czeka nas jutro.
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| Były agent CIA ujawnia, jak Izrael zmusił Trumpa do zbombardowania Iranu |
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więcej -> |
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An "Early Version" of Jan Thomas Gross' FEAR?
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Review of Between Fear and Hope, by S. L. Shneiderman (1947). Translated by Norbert Guterman. Arco Publishing Company, New York.
Reviewer: Mr. Jan Peczkis
An Uncanny Resemblance to Jan Thomas Gross’ (2006) FEAR
I will begin this review with the few redeeming features of this otherwise very anti-Polish book. The author describes the fate of Janusz Korczak as follows: “When the Nazis ordered the establishment of the ghetto, Korczak’s Polish friends offered to hide him on the ‘Aryan’ side of Warsaw, but he preferred to stay with his charges. He often risked his life crossing the ghetto wall to obtain food for the children, from his Polish friends.” (p. 68). Shneiderman has the following opinion of the Jewish ghetto police: “The ‘Jewish police’ whom the Nazis had succeeded in recruiting from the Jewish underworld and the assimilated strata of Jewish professionals, had played in hideous role in the manhunts.” (p. 64).
Shneiderman, in contrasting postwar with prewar Poland, alludes to the former role of Poland’s Jews and the tacit reality of prewar Jewish economic overlordship: “Every peasant and artisan personally brings his wares for sale. Gone is the traditional Jewish middleman who used to bring the peasants’ produce to the city and the most essential industrial articles to the village. The role of the Jewish middleman has now been taken over by inexperienced peasants, city workers, and intellectuals, who seem intoxicated by their new roles as businessmen and who, in their helplessness, create a much greater noise and bustle in the streets of Warsaw than the Jews ever did.” (p. 23). One can perhaps comprehend why many Polish peasants saw the disappearance of the Jews as a liberating thing.
Strikingly many of the same Polonophobic themes used recently by Jan Thomas Gross, in his widely-acclaimed book, FEAR, can be found in this book. There is the one-sided portrayal of Poles rejoicing at Jewish deaths during the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising (p. 74). Kazimierz Wyka is quoted as saying that the absence of a Quisling under the German occupation had prevented anti-Semitism from becoming discredited among Poles (pp. 45-46). Accounts of Jews killed by Poles are elaborated, and always presented without verification and in a contextual vacuum. Poles are portrayed as unilaterally resisting postwar Jewish re-acquisitions of their properties. The so-called Kielce Pogrom is naively presented as the outcome of Poles acting on their belief in the blood libel. The church is blamed for its “slow” and ineffective response, and the Pogrom is magnified into a horrible blight upon all of Poland.
One of the factors behind the Kielce Pogrom was the arrival of Jews from Russia with their privileges under the new Soviet puppet state. Without probably intending to, Shneiderman corroborates this: “Quite different is the attitude of the Jewish refugees who returned from Russia with the new Polish army and were given important positions in the government.” (p. 45).
Shneiderman provides other possibly-useful information about the Kielce Pogrom. This includes the disarming of the Jews living on Planty Street just before the ostensibly-spontaneous mob action: “When the excited crowd began to gather in front of the community house, he [Jehiel Rosenkranz] related, two uniformed men came inside. Claiming that they represented the military authorities, they ransacked the house. They found a few pistols which they confiscated, together with some money and other valuables.” (pp. 90-91). Armed units were also responsible elsewhere in Kielce: “When we left the police building, we learned about an additional pogrom that had taken place while the slaughter in Planty Street was coming to an end. This new pogrom was the work of four members of the Kielce police—the militiamen Stefan Mazur, Kazimierz Nowakowski, Jozef Sliwa, and Antoni Pruszkowski. Realizing that some Jews living on Leonarda Street had been forgotten by the mob, they decided to do their ‘patriotic duty’” (p. 95).
The following account of the murders of Jews in trains near Kielce, if accurate, speaks of an obvious, clumsily staged event: “When the train was approaching the station, a man wearing an armband with the English inscription, ‘Poland’, suddenly appeared in his car. (Such armbands are worn by the soldiers of General Anders’ Army). The soldier spoke to the passengers, encouraging them to murder all the Jews on the train because fifteen ritual murders had been committed in Kielce.” (pp. 97-98). Can anyone be naïve enough to believe that a pro-Anders soldier would actually dress in this way and in English at that!
Shneiderman describes the Jewish reaction to Kielce: “There were rumors that the underground forces had seized Jewish hostages and threatened to murder them if the Kielce death sentences were carried out. These fantastic rumors were believed, and the idea that Jews were being held as hostages seemed somehow more terrible than the fact of the pogroms.” (p. 158). If accurate, this shows that Poland’s Jews readily accepted Communist propaganda. And, just as some Poles were ready to believe anything negative about Jews (e. g., the blood libel) so evidently many Jews were ready to believe anything negative about Poles—no matter how grandiose.
Shneiderman displays his pro-Communist stripes by calling the Lublin government a “progressive” one (p. 116), by praising Hilary Minc (pp. 36-37), etc. Not once does he mention the tens to hundreds of thousands of Poles murdered by the Communist terror police (the UB). Not surprisingly, Shneiderman uses the phrase “Polish fascists” quite liberally. Otherwise, he often repeats stock allegations straight out of Communist propaganda: That the anti-Communist forces were terrorists (p. 15), that the N.S. Z (NSZ) habitually killed Jews and other innocent people (p. 202), that the Holy Cross Brigade had fought on the side of the Nazis (pp. 212-213), that Polish nationalists were responsible for the Kielce Pogrom (p. 86), etc.
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27 październik 2006
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przysłał Iwo Cyprian Pogonowski
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Polityka zniszczenia polkich rybaków
maj 4, 2005
baba
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Oblicze bestii 666
marzec 2, 2009
tomeq
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2008.11.01. Serwis wiadomosci
listopad 1, 2008
tłumacz
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PRL-jednak państwo Polaków
październik 13, 2003
Adrian Dudkiewicz
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Przetargi o Zeznania w Sprawach Kryminalnych w USA
styczeń 31, 2006
Iwo Cyprian Pogonowski
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Polityka polska
sierpień 26, 2003
Nowy Przegląd
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Polska Republika bananowa
październik 5, 2003
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Reguła symbiozy
kwiecień 21, 2005
Witold Filipowicz
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Co piąte dziecko głoduje w Argentynie
listopad 17, 2002
PAP
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Polska w stanie totalnej histerii
czerwiec 25, 2007
wasylzly
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RM + media pochodne kontra Michniki + reszta
marzec 13, 2008
Dariusz Kosiur
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Topless
luty 3, 2009
PAP
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Prokreatorzy i ich prokreatory
wrzesień 4, 2007
Mirosław Naleziński, Gdynia
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Wojny o energię
kwiecień 4, 2003
Mirosław Dakowski
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Czym jest Kredyt Społeczny
marzec 25, 2003
Jasiek z Toronto
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W Cieniu "Wojny Ostatecznej"
wrzesień 16, 2007
Iwo Cyprian Pogonowski
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Zbrojenia na świecie
styczeń 4, 2008
przysłał ICP
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Tak się manipuluje społeczeństwem
sierpień 11, 2004
PAP
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Podać ?ródło pochodzenia majątku
lipiec 22, 2004
Janina Kotłowska - Rudnik
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Ile w rzeczywistości wydajemy na ochronę zdrowia?
maj 16, 2006
Adam Sandauer
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