|
| Wielkie pytania o 9/11 |
|
| Strona poświęcona analizie wydarzeń z 11 września 2001 |
|
| Sędziowie nie wierzą w kowida i nie dają się zastraszyć. Ale, czy innych karzą za brak maski? |
|
| Impreza w SĄDZIE REJONOWYM. W sali rozpraw zrobili bankiet. Przyjechała policja |
|
| Światowy dług |
|
| Ciekawe kto jest "wierzycielem" tego długu? |
|
| Niepożądane Odczyny Poszczepienne po szczepionkach przeciw COVID-19 w Polsce |
|
Narodowy Instytut Zdrowia Publicznego podaje jedynie zarejestrowane ubytki zdrowia po szczepieniach. Ale tylko do 4 tygodni po szczepieniu.
|
|
| Brytyjska modelka zabita zastrzykiem? |
|
| Trzy tygodnie po szczepieniu zmarła - po wystąpieniu wielu komplikacji - w tym białaczki. |
|
| Kaczyński również nas w to wciągnął |
|
| Zbrodnie wojskowe w Iraku |
|
| Egzekucja nad dr.Ratkowską wstrzymana |
|
| Patologia w środowisku medycznym |
|
| "Górale to męczą konie" |
|
| Powiedziałam prezesowi (Kaczyńskiemu), że górale bardzo na nich liczą, to są ich wyborcy, a prezes odpowiedział mi na to: "Górale to męczą konie". Byłam w szoku, że przy tak ważnym temacie gospodarczym mówi takie rzeczy - relacjonuje posłanka. |
|
| Prof. Sucharit Bhakdi: wykład na temat szczepień |
|
| |
|
| Niemiecki agent na czele Instytutu Pileckiego |
|
| |
|
| "Quo Vadis Polonia?" Lech Makowiecki |
|
| |
|
| Papież błogosławi strażników de Rotschild |
|
| To nie jest pomysł Dana Browna na nową powieść, ale wydarzenie, które umknęło uwadze mediów w Polsce, a oznacza wsparcie Watykanu dla potężnych postaci świata finansów i przemysłu, deklarujących działania na rzecz przemiany systemu gospodarczego współczesnego świata. |
|
| Co musimy zrobić aby pokonać globalistów? |
|
| Brat Alexis Bugnolo z Rzymu. |
|
| Ujawnienie globalnej gospodarki ludobójstwa w Gazie |
|
W raporcie oskarża ponad 60 korporacji o „podtrzymywanie i czerpanie zysków z izraelskiej okupacji, apartheidu i ludobójstwa”.
Do tych firm należą między innymi Google, Amazon, Hyundai, Booking.com i bank Barclays. |
|
| Imperium KLAUSA SCHWABA i jego marionetki. DAVOS 2022. |
|
| |
|
| Starsza kobieta łapie kij, odpycha przerażającego testera COVID |
|
|
|
| Jak to jest z kowidem na Florydzie? |
|
| |
|
| 1984 |
|
| Podstawowa lektura dla młodych Polaków |
|
| Syntetyczny patogen - to nie jest szczepionka |
|
| Wstrzykuje się im substancję chemiczną po to, żeby wywołać chorobę, a nie żeby wywołać odpowiedź odpornościową i nieprzenoszenie wirusa. Mówiąc inaczej, nic z tego nie powstrzyma rozprzestrzeniania się czegokolwiek. Tu chodzi o, żebyś się pochorował i o to, żeby to Twoje komórki spowodowały chorobę. |
|
| Here's Why You Should Skip the Covid Vaccine |
|
| “The world has bet the farm on vaccines as the solution to the pandemic, but the trials are not focused on answering the questions many might assume they are.” |
więcej -> |
|
An "Early Version" of Jan Thomas Gross' FEAR?
|
|

Review of Between Fear and Hope, by S. L. Shneiderman (1947). Translated by Norbert Guterman. Arco Publishing Company, New York.
Reviewer: Mr. Jan Peczkis
An Uncanny Resemblance to Jan Thomas Gross’ (2006) FEAR
I will begin this review with the few redeeming features of this otherwise very anti-Polish book. The author describes the fate of Janusz Korczak as follows: “When the Nazis ordered the establishment of the ghetto, Korczak’s Polish friends offered to hide him on the ‘Aryan’ side of Warsaw, but he preferred to stay with his charges. He often risked his life crossing the ghetto wall to obtain food for the children, from his Polish friends.” (p. 68). Shneiderman has the following opinion of the Jewish ghetto police: “The ‘Jewish police’ whom the Nazis had succeeded in recruiting from the Jewish underworld and the assimilated strata of Jewish professionals, had played in hideous role in the manhunts.” (p. 64).
Shneiderman, in contrasting postwar with prewar Poland, alludes to the former role of Poland’s Jews and the tacit reality of prewar Jewish economic overlordship: “Every peasant and artisan personally brings his wares for sale. Gone is the traditional Jewish middleman who used to bring the peasants’ produce to the city and the most essential industrial articles to the village. The role of the Jewish middleman has now been taken over by inexperienced peasants, city workers, and intellectuals, who seem intoxicated by their new roles as businessmen and who, in their helplessness, create a much greater noise and bustle in the streets of Warsaw than the Jews ever did.” (p. 23). One can perhaps comprehend why many Polish peasants saw the disappearance of the Jews as a liberating thing.
Strikingly many of the same Polonophobic themes used recently by Jan Thomas Gross, in his widely-acclaimed book, FEAR, can be found in this book. There is the one-sided portrayal of Poles rejoicing at Jewish deaths during the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising (p. 74). Kazimierz Wyka is quoted as saying that the absence of a Quisling under the German occupation had prevented anti-Semitism from becoming discredited among Poles (pp. 45-46). Accounts of Jews killed by Poles are elaborated, and always presented without verification and in a contextual vacuum. Poles are portrayed as unilaterally resisting postwar Jewish re-acquisitions of their properties. The so-called Kielce Pogrom is naively presented as the outcome of Poles acting on their belief in the blood libel. The church is blamed for its “slow” and ineffective response, and the Pogrom is magnified into a horrible blight upon all of Poland.
One of the factors behind the Kielce Pogrom was the arrival of Jews from Russia with their privileges under the new Soviet puppet state. Without probably intending to, Shneiderman corroborates this: “Quite different is the attitude of the Jewish refugees who returned from Russia with the new Polish army and were given important positions in the government.” (p. 45).
Shneiderman provides other possibly-useful information about the Kielce Pogrom. This includes the disarming of the Jews living on Planty Street just before the ostensibly-spontaneous mob action: “When the excited crowd began to gather in front of the community house, he [Jehiel Rosenkranz] related, two uniformed men came inside. Claiming that they represented the military authorities, they ransacked the house. They found a few pistols which they confiscated, together with some money and other valuables.” (pp. 90-91). Armed units were also responsible elsewhere in Kielce: “When we left the police building, we learned about an additional pogrom that had taken place while the slaughter in Planty Street was coming to an end. This new pogrom was the work of four members of the Kielce police—the militiamen Stefan Mazur, Kazimierz Nowakowski, Jozef Sliwa, and Antoni Pruszkowski. Realizing that some Jews living on Leonarda Street had been forgotten by the mob, they decided to do their ‘patriotic duty’” (p. 95).
The following account of the murders of Jews in trains near Kielce, if accurate, speaks of an obvious, clumsily staged event: “When the train was approaching the station, a man wearing an armband with the English inscription, ‘Poland’, suddenly appeared in his car. (Such armbands are worn by the soldiers of General Anders’ Army). The soldier spoke to the passengers, encouraging them to murder all the Jews on the train because fifteen ritual murders had been committed in Kielce.” (pp. 97-98). Can anyone be naïve enough to believe that a pro-Anders soldier would actually dress in this way and in English at that!
Shneiderman describes the Jewish reaction to Kielce: “There were rumors that the underground forces had seized Jewish hostages and threatened to murder them if the Kielce death sentences were carried out. These fantastic rumors were believed, and the idea that Jews were being held as hostages seemed somehow more terrible than the fact of the pogroms.” (p. 158). If accurate, this shows that Poland’s Jews readily accepted Communist propaganda. And, just as some Poles were ready to believe anything negative about Jews (e. g., the blood libel) so evidently many Jews were ready to believe anything negative about Poles—no matter how grandiose.
Shneiderman displays his pro-Communist stripes by calling the Lublin government a “progressive” one (p. 116), by praising Hilary Minc (pp. 36-37), etc. Not once does he mention the tens to hundreds of thousands of Poles murdered by the Communist terror police (the UB). Not surprisingly, Shneiderman uses the phrase “Polish fascists” quite liberally. Otherwise, he often repeats stock allegations straight out of Communist propaganda: That the anti-Communist forces were terrorists (p. 15), that the N.S. Z (NSZ) habitually killed Jews and other innocent people (p. 202), that the Holy Cross Brigade had fought on the side of the Nazis (pp. 212-213), that Polish nationalists were responsible for the Kielce Pogrom (p. 86), etc.
|
|
27 październik 2006
|
|
przysłał Iwo Cyprian Pogonowski
|
|
|
|
Nie dla tarczy- Redakcja "Magazynu- Obywatel"
luty 20, 2007
marduk
|
HAARP straszna broń
luty 12, 2005
Goska
|
W Polsce to normalka
czerwiec 10, 2008
Andrzej Leszyk
|
Przyjaciel czy nieprzyjaciel?
październik 4, 2003
ks. prof. Czesław Bartnik
|
Odrzutowa latawica
luty 25, 2007
Mirosław Naleziński, Gdynia
|
Kolejny raz dać się oszwabić
marzec 29, 2004
PAP
|
Jak na klawikordzie
czerwiec 1, 2003
Andrzj Kumor
|
KOPZ "Placówka"
sierpień 7, 2003
przesłała Elżbieta
|
Requiem umierającemu miastu
wrzesień 28, 2004
Artur Łoboda
|
Wstydliwa relikwia
czerwiec 24, 2007
|
Piłkarski Totek SUPERTOTO
dużo korzystniejszy niż Duży Lotek!!!
listopad 1, 2007
ALEKS
|
Jestem Polakiem
grudzień 10, 2002
|
Przyznanie się do błędu
lipiec 5, 2005
|
Gdzie się podziały pożyczki?
styczeń 26, 2007
ZYGMUNT JAN PRUSIŃSKI
|
Akcyzowa kompromitacja władzy
maj 20, 2005
Mirosław Naleziński, Gdynia
|
Solidarność złodziei
luty 22, 2007
mm
|
Miał prawo zastrzelić, ale nie może oplakatować
lipiec 25, 2008
Mirosław Naleziński, Gdynia
|
Rada luzuje politykę
lipiec 29, 2004
|
WOJNA
kwiecień 12, 2003
|
"Antysemityzm" Mahometa i Luthra Skutkiem Żydowskiej "Teologii Wygnania" ?
lipiec 2, 2006
Iwo Cyprian Pogonowski
|
więcej -> |
|